Until
1994, for over a century, South Africa was locked against the rest of
Africa and indeed the country and her people were not easily accessible
to the rest of the world as the white minority used their might to
impose racial segregation, which denied the majority black of
everything, including quality life. The rest of the world rose in
support of the majority black in popular agitation for the liberation of
a country held in the worst and unusual form of domination in all
spheres of life.
The “support” given by the rest of the
world was not because it was South Africa. It was because a part of
humanity with legitimate rights to their land had been deprived and
decimated only because they had resources of global economic values, and
not just because of the colour of their skin. Everyone saw the
anti-apartheid struggle as a liberation struggle, an integral part of
the global struggle against oppression, all forms of oppression.
South Africa and her exceptional
experiences in severe oppression and exploitation, even before the
advent of apartheid, is one country whose people got the best global
solidarity during the years of the struggle against apartheid. No one
saw that struggle as “their” struggle. It was our collective struggle.
The leading anti-apartheid organisation,
the African National Congress, maintained offices in several countries
abroad, including Nigeria. Not a few South African citizens attended
public schools, including universities in Nigeria, with full
scholarships/fellowships paid for by the Nigerian government. There were
several organisations involved in mobilising people and resources,
organised by Nigerians, in our voluntary quest to be part of the
liberation struggle.
Indeed, there was the Nigeria-African
National Congress Friendship and Cultural Association. There was the
Youth Solidarity on Southern Africa and Nigeria. YUSSAN was in most
campuses of Nigerian universities and other tertiary institutions,
mobilising students across the country against apartheid South Africa.
Other organisations, including the
Nigeria Labour Congress, National Association of Nigerian Students,
Women In Nigeria as well as the Government of Nigeria were actively
involved in mobilising people, opinions and resources against apartheid.
Nigeria was certainly not the only
country whose citizens and governments actively participated in the
international struggle against apartheid. Many African countries indeed
provided cover for leading South African activists in exile.
That some South Africans have decided to
unleash deadly violence on immigrants, especially of African extraction,
is nothing but a failure of post-apartheid leadership who have done
very little to re-orientate, rehabilitate and effectively empower the
people in a way that reconnects them with the reality of their history
and culture as Africans and position them for the socio-economic and
political challenges of post-apartheid situations, situations that
position them in a world of fierce social, economic and political
realities of our collective contemporary predicament.
Most South Africans have been made to
think or believe they are not part of Africa. References to other
African countries are often derogatory. In fact, President Jacob Zuma
sometime in October 2013, while defending his government’s introduction
of e-tolls on roads in the Gauteng Province during the ANC Gauteng
Province Manifesto Forum held at the famous University of
Wittswaterstrand in Johannesburg, said, “We can’t think like Africans in
Africa. It is not some national road in Malawi.”
Though his spokesman, Mac Maharaj,
struggled to moderate that statement after some diplomatic skirmishes
with the government of Malawi, it however captured the impression of
most South Africans.
This is why, in the so-called xenophobic
attacks, which first occurred in 2008 and left about 60 people dead, the
targets were Africans, from other African countries mostly Nigerians,
Mozambicans, Somalians, and Congolese.
Most businesses in the informal sector are operated by immigrants from these countries, particularly Nigerians.
There are immigrants also from India,
Pakistan and even Britain. In fact, British citizens don’t require a
visa to enter South Africa. This category of immigrants is carefully
exempted from the attacks. This gives clear indication that it is an
extension of afrophobic beliefs of the leadership.
The country’s political leadership seems
to have ignored the majority of the citizens in economic empowerment as
the citizens still see imbalance in the socio-economic life of the
country. They have yet to see the dividends of the liberation struggle
as the minority white population either as citizens or immigrants get
the priority in blue chip businesses except in a few cases where those
who were in key leadership positions during the apartheid era, like
Cyril Ramaphosa, are involved in telecommunications, mining and service
industry. The people see Ramaphosa, the country’s Deputy President, as
part of their problems. His alleged involvement in the Marikana massacre
reminds the people of the emergence of a new bourgeoisie class that has
privatised the collective benefits of the liberation.
The frustration of the economic
disempowerment of majority of the citizens gives them the impression
that immigrants who control informal sector of the economy are their
obstacles. And it is easier for them to get at these immigrants as they
do business and live in areas easily accessible to the victims of
economic exclusion.
To the ordinary South African, apartheid
has yet to end. The system only assumes a different shape and
colouration. Yes, a black man is in political leadership in an alliance
with those who should have been leading voices of the ordinary people to
lead the country to final liberation.
With the ANC in power and in an alliance
with the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South African
Trade Unions, two main organisations, aside from the ANC which fought
apartheid. SACP and COSATU were in the main centre of actions that blew
off apartheid.
The alliance worked against apartheid,
but since apartheid ended, this tripartite alliance has only worked
against the South African people as the socio-economic and political
policies of the government are mostly driven by interests other than
those of the majority. Global neoliberal interests drive the ways,
policies and directions of the government, leaving a majority of the
citizens widely ostracised from the benefits of the bloody struggles of
more than a century.
South Africans fought against oppression
and exploitation but lost power and leadership to compradors of
contemporary global economic warfare, and it’s sweeter for capitalism
when the poor take on themselves. The circumstance that led any Nigerian
to leave his country for another is the same circumstance that led
neglected South Africans to attack immigrants. Lack of good governance
is the father of all frustrations in citizens.
The only solution to the phobias, whether
it is xenophobia or afrophobia, is for the South African people to
re-discover and re-focus themselves. The alliance South Africans need,
like most countries, is an alliance of all oppressed people against the
anti-people alliance of our various governments with institutions that
create the wedge between our governments and our people.
South Africa, like Nigeria and most
African countries, needs a second liberation against second slavery
which the alliance between our various governments and global
anti-people neoliberal institutions represent. If the people live well,
they won’t care where the next person comes from.
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